Mormons and the Watergate Scandal

Justice Dept. Warns Church About Illegal Taping

Mullen, Mormons and the C.I.A. - A Surprising Discovery - Robert Bennett Buys Mullen Company - Burglary and Bugging - Hunt's B.Y.U. Spy - Bennett's Company in Trouble - Bennett's Cover-Up - Mormons in the C.I.A. - Justice Department Warns Church - Information Needed for Book - The Book That Can Not Exist! - An Eternal Cover-Up

During 1973, as the details of the Watergate cover-up began to unfold, we were struck with the many parallels to Mormon history. Since that time we have found more parallels. Even more important, however, has been the discovery that Mormons were involved with Howard Hunt in his plans for wiretapping and burglary.

A very important clue came from former President Nixon's tapes. The reader will of course remember that Nixon fought desperately to keep his tapes from becoming public. When he was finally forced to yield them, transcripts were printed by the U.S. Government and the New York Times. These tapes not only proved to be embarrassing for Richard Nixon but for the Mormon leaders as well. On pages 292-293 of The White House Transcripts, Nixon, Haldeman and Ehrlichman discuss an alleged attempt to break into the safe of Hank Greenspun. During the course of the conversation it was suggested that "Senator Bennett's son, for whom Hunt worked," may have been involved in the planning of the break-in. The transcript reads as follows:

E:  . . . McCord volunteered this Hank Greenspun thing, gratuitously apparently not—
P:  Can you tell me is that a serious thing? Did they really try to get into Hank Greenspun?
E:  I guess they actually got in.
P:  What in the name of (expletive deleted) though has Hank Greenspun got with anything to do with Mitchell or anybody else?
E:  Nothing. Well, now, Mitchell, Here's—Hughes. And these two fellows, Colson and Shapiro, Colson threw that out.
P:  Hughes on whom?
E:  Well, you know the Hughes thing is cut into two factions—
E:  I don't even know—but they're fighting.
P:  Yeah.
E:  Bennett, Senator Bennett's son, for whom Hunt worked.
P:  Oh?
E:  Represents one of those factions.
P:  So he ordered the bugging?
E:  I don't know. I know the (unintelligible) say it's a bag job.
H:  They busted his safe to get something out of it. Wasn't that it?
E:  No. They flew out, broke his safe, got something out (unintelligible). Now as they sat there in my office—
P:  Other delicate things, too. You've got a part from my poor brother, which unfortunately or fortunately was a long time ago . . . (The White House Transcripts, pages 292-293)

Before reading the White House Transcripts we were not aware of the fact that Howard Hunt worked for "Senator Bennett's son," nor did we know that the two of them had been involved in planning a break-in at Mr. Greenspun's office. When we told Michael Marquardt about this, he did some research and found that Robert Bennett (son of the Mormon Senator Wallace F. Bennett) is the man spoken of in the White House Transcripts. Mr. Marquardt also learned that Robert Bennett worked for the Robert R. Mullen & Company. Later we discovered that Robert Bennett was the actual owner of the Mullen Co. and that this company handled international public relations for the Mormon Church. Howard Hunt, who was involved in the Ellsberg break-in and the Watergate affair, worked for Robert Bennett and was at one time Vice President of the Mullen Co. Further research led us to the discovery that plans for the Watergate break-in and other illegal activities were actually discussed in Bennett's company—i.e., the Mullen Company. James McCord, who was involved in the Watergate break-in, gave this testimony at the Senate Watergate Hearings:

Mr. McCord. The meetings, as best I recall in which these references by Mr. Hunt took place, took place in Mr. Hunt's office in the Robert F. Mullen Co. offices at 1700 Pennsylvania Avenue. They took place in April and May of 1972. To the best of my recollection, Mr. Liddy was present in all of the discussions.

Mr. Liddy, during those discussions, as best I recall, would raise the topic that the planning and the progress of the operation itself was going forward, comments about what Mr. Mitchell was saying to him about what could be done in terms of the priorities of the operation; that is, which ones were to be done first and second. . . .

Mr. Thompson. Do you recall anything that Mr. Hunt said to you about Mr. Colson's involvement or did you just get the general impression that Mr. Colson was involved in some way from what Mr. Hunt told you?

Mr. McCord. I believe my previous testimony, . . . was to the effect that when I had met Mr. Hunt in his office at 1700 Pennsylvania Avenue with Mr. Liddy that he referred to his previous work at the White House for Mr. Colson, . . . Mr. Hunt had a typed plan that he had typed himself, step-by-step, for the entry of the Democratic National Committee headquarters; . . . (Hearings Before The Select Committee On Presidential Campaign Activities of the United States Senate . . . U.S. Government Printing Office, 1973, Book 1, pages 142-143)


The Mullen Co.—the company which Bennett bought—was originally founded by Robert R. Mullen. Mr. Mullen handled world-wide public relations for the Mormon Church and is the same man who wrote the book The Latter-day Saints: The Mormons Yesterday and Today. Mr. Mullen's book was apparently written to bring converts into the Mormon Church and to cover-up the truth about Mormon history. In the Salt Lake City Messenger for Feb. 1967, we made this comment about Mr. Mullen's book: "Although Mr. Mullen claims to be a non-Mormon, the book is obviously written in defense of the Mormon Church." Actually, the book itself bears witness to the fact that Mr. Mullen had been paid to do public relations work for the Church. On the jacket of the book we read as follows:

Robert Mullen's association with the Mormons began when his public relations firm was hired to publicize the first European tour of the famous Mormon Tabernacle Choir . . . he now runs a world-wide public relations agency with headquarters in Washington, D.C.

When Mr. Mullen's book came out, the Mormon Church's Deseret News printed these statements:

A great new book about the Mormons will be in the bookstores of the nation beginning Oct. 1 . . .  the author is Robert P. Mullen of Washington, D.C., . . .

Mr. Mullen is not a member of the Church . . .

The new book is one of the most complete, objective, and friendly treatments of the Mormon story ever done by an "outsider." (Deseret News, Church Section, Sept. 24, 1966)

To any reader who is well informed on Mormon history it is plain to see that Robert Mullen's book is a cover-up of the true facts.

Newsweek for July 15, 1974, reported the following about the Mullen Co.:

Washington was buzzing again last week with talk that the Central Intelligence Agency was involved in the scandals of the Nixon Administration—and this time the source was a 43-page report prepared by Howard Baker, . . . of the Senate Watergate committee. . . .

The report had further questions about Robert R. Mullen & Co., the Washington public-relations firm that Hunt joined after he left the White House. According to the report the firm had been used as an overseas cover for CIA activities from 1959 to mid-1972. (Newsweek, July 15, 1974, page 29)

Senator Baker has provided us with a copy of his report, but it has also been printed at the back of The Senate Watergate Report, vol. 1. On page 7 of "The Baker Report" we find this statement:

The Mullen and Company has maintained a relationship with the Central Intelligence Agency since its incorporation in 1959. It provided cover for an agent in Europe and an agent in the Far East at the time of the Watergate break-in.


After we learned of the involvement of Robert Bennett and the Mormon Church with the Mullen Co., we tried to find more material about the matter. Progress was very slow until September, 1974, when we made a most interesting discovery. We felt that there may be something in our files showing that the Mullen Co, had contacted us several years ago. After a long and diligent search we found a letter from James A. Everett who was an employee of the Mullen Company in Sweden. This letter was dated Jan. 20, 1965, and contains a request for books. Since the letter seemed to be written in a friendly spirit, we decided to try to locate Mr. Everett. We found that he had returned to Washington D.C. and then moved to Missouri. On October 7, 1974, we were able to have a long telephone conversation with him, and on October 15, 1974, Mr. Everett sent us a letter in which he answered many questions we had about the relationship between the Mormon Church and the Mullen Co. We found Mr. Everett to be very open and willing to discuss this matter. The information which he has provided has really increased our knowledge of this relationship.

Mr. Everett worked in Europe for the Mullen Co. for a number of years. Incredible as it may seem, he returned to America to work at the offices in Washington, D.C. on the night of the Watergate break-in. In his letter Mr. Everett states:

I returned from Europe on the night of the break-in, i.e. 17th June 1972. I went to the office on Monday the 19th and for the first time met Howard Hunt who had been hired during my absence in Europe. We spoke of the days newspaper headlines concerning the break-in and I remarked that it certainly was a stupid caper and I hoped that no responsible Republican had been involved. I assumed at the time that he was in full agreement. Only about an hour after that conversation the first call came from Woodard (or Bernstein) concerning the fact that Hunt's private telephone number at the White House (Executive Office Building) had been discovered in two of the persons who were apprehended at Watergate. Hunt was asked if he knew how this could be and he exclaimed loudly, "My God, No!" Hung up and left the office. I met him about a half hour later coming back from 1701 Pennsylvania Ave. where he undoubtably had gone to confer with his friend Liddy. He returned to the office, removed a few things and left and I have never met him in person since. (Letter from James A. Everett, dated Oct. 15, 1974)

In our telephone conversation with Mr. Everett, he told us that the Mullen Co. handled public relations for the Mormon Church from 1957 to 1973. One of the more important projects that the Mullen Co. handled for the Church was the Hill Cumorah pageant. Mr. Everett felt that they did a great deal toward making it the tremendous success it is today. In the telephone conversation, Mr. Everett told us that the Mullen Co. handled a good deal of work for the Church. In a letter dated Oct. 11, 1974, we asked Mr. Everett if he could remember some of the projects which were handled by the Mullen Co. He replied:

4. Earl Minderman of Robert R. Mullen & Co. has through the years done a most commendable job for the Mormon Church, including the publicity for the Cumorah Page[a]nt. There have been many, many others such as answering critical media reports, placing of radio programs on Radio Free Europe, Armed Forces Radio, etc.

The Mullen Company also handled public relations for the Mormon Tabernacle Choir. We must remember, too that Mr. Mullen wrote a book about the Church which was printed in a number of different languages.


As we indicated earlier, Robert Bennett is the son of Wallace F. Bennett. Wallace F. Bennett has served for twenty-four years as a Senator from Utah. He is considered one of the real "pillars" of the Mormon Church and his book Why I Am A Mormon, published in 1958, has been widely used to bring converts into the Mormon Church. On page 53 of his book, Senator Bennett speaks of his "faith that Joseph's story is true." He claims to have an "unshakeable assurance" that Mormonism is true. In relation to politics Senator Bennett had a very strong faith in Richard Nixon. Even after the firing of Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox, Bennett still expressed his faith in Nixon:

Thank you for your letter regarding recent developments relating to the "Watergate" affair. I still have complete faith in the President. (Letter from Senator Bennett)

Senator Bennett's strong faith in Mormonism and Richard Nixon was shared by his son Robert. On page 7 of his book Why I Am A Mormon, Senator Bennett indicated that Robert Bennett and his other sons have served on missions for the Mormon Church. According to James A. Everett, Robert Bennett served his "mission in England" (Letter dated Oct. 15, 1974). Mr. Everett also stated that "Mr. Bennett has maintained a most respected position in the Mormon Church and I believe has been a Stake President. I know he was active as Counselor to the Stake President and has served in setting up the P.R. activity in the Eastern States." (Letter dated Oct. 15, 1974)

If Robert Bennett was a Stake President it would have been some time before 1973, because Michael Marquardt found him listed as 1st Counselor in the Bishopric of the Arlington Ward, Oakton Virginia Stake, in 1973-74 (see The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints Directory, General Authorities and Officers 1973-74, page 225).

We do not know exactly when Robert Bennett and Robert Mullen met, but we do know that they worked together in Nixon's 1968 campaign. Who's Who In America, 1972-73, vol. 2, page 2273, informs us that Robert Mullen served as "Chmn Pub. relations Nixon-Agnew 1968." In The Senate Watergate Report, vol. 2, page 251 we read:

Robert Bennett had served as Vice Chairman for Public Relations (under Robert Mullen) in the 1968 campaign (when he met Colson and Evans), and then became Congressional liaison in the Department of Transportation, where he was Colson's "political contact." When he left the Department in 1970, he joined Mullen's Washington public relations firm.

In the "Baker Report," page 8, we learn that Robert Bennett became President of the Mullen Co. in 1971:

Robert Bennett, who is Senator Bennett's son, joined Mullen and Company and became its President in 1971. He was introduced to the Mullen CIA case officer in April of that year. Bennett brought the Hughes Tool account! with him to Mullen.

Because of the close relationship of the Mormon Church and the Mullen Co. some people were led to speculate that the Church had purchased the Mullen Co. In the phone conversation of Oct. 7, 1974, James A. Everett said that this was not the case, but he admitted that Robert Bennett had bought the company from Mr. Mullen. In his letter, dated Oct. 15, 1974, Mr. Everett stated:

Robert Bennett purchased Robert R. Mullen & Co. in 1971 as near as I can recall. I was in Amsterdam at the time. Mr. Mullen remained on as Chairman of the Board and Bob Bennett took the position of President. The purchase agreement went over an extended period of time.


In Senator Bakers Report, page 7, we learn that Hunt joined the Mullen Co. in 1970:

Hunt left the CIA in 1970 and joined Mullen and Company with what founder Robert Mullen understood to be Director Helms' blessing. Hunt's covert security clearance was extended by the CIA; he was witting of the Mullen cover; and, on occasion he undertook negotiations with the Agency with respect to that cover. . .

While Hunt was working with Bennett at the Mullen Co., an idea about breaking into Hank Greenspun's safe was discussed. In testimony given before the Senate Watergate Hearings, Hunt implicated Robert Bennett in the planning of this operation:

Mr. Dash. During this same period and prior to the Watergate break-in, Mr. Hunt, did you and Mr. Liddy work on a political espionage plan involving a target in Las Vegas?

Mr. Hunt. Apart from Gemstone?

Mr. Dash. Yes.

Mr. Hunt. . . . my employer, Mr. Robert Bennett, informed me that he had heard a rumor around Las Vegas to the effect that a publisher named Hank Greenspun had information which would "blow Muskie out of the water". . .

I reported by very brief memo this information to Mr. Liddy. Mr. Liddy responded enthusiastically seeing in it initially an opportunity for us to travel at company expense as it were, to Las Vegas . . .  Mr. Liddy informed me . . . that there was a disposition on the part of his principals to pursue it.

I reported this matter back to Mr. Bennett and within a short period of time Mr. Bennett introduced me to a Mr. Ralph Winte who was then the head of security for either Hughes Tool Co. or one of its many subsidiaries.

At our initial discussion Mr. Bennett, Mr. Winte, and I discussed Las Vegas, . . . this discussion reached the point where Mr. Bennett suggested that there was a commonality of interest between the Hughes Tool Co. and Mr. Liddy and myself.

Mr. Winte and I withdrew to my office . . . he said he would attempt to produce a floor diagram of the Greenspun office and I asked him whether his firm, . . . could provide us with support facilities . . .

Mr. Dash. Did that include an airplane or an escape plane should that be necessary?

Mr. Hunt. That came later, Mr. Dash! (Hearings, Book 9, pp. 3686-3687)

The White House Transcripts, which we have previously quoted, seem to indicate that the operation might have been actually carried out:

E:  Bennett, Senator Bennett's son, for whom Hunt worked.
P:  Oh?
E:  Represents one of those factions.
P:  So he ordered the bugging?
E:  I don't know. I know the (unintelligible) say it's a bag job.
H:  They busted his safe to get something out of it. Wasn't that it?
E:  No. They flew out, broke his safe, got something out (unintelligible) . . . (The White House Transcripts, page 293)

According to the New York Times, Robert Bennett admitted that he did discuss the break-in with Hunt and with a Las Vegas company, but he claimed it never actually took place:

Robert F. Bennett, president of a Washington public relations firm that once employed Hunt, who is one of the Watergate conspirators, said Hunt in 1971 discussed with him possibly breaking into the safe of a Las Vegas, Nev., publisher . . .

Mr. Bennett, president of the company, . . . said that Hunt told him he heard through underground channels that Hank Greenspun . . . had papers in his safe that would be "very damaging" to Senator Muskie.

He said the safe might also contain papers sought by a Las Vegas company and that the company might be interested in the break-in. Mr. Bennett said he checked it with the company involved and told him "No way.". . .

Later when I asked Hunt if it came off, he said, "Oh, no, but Muskie's not going to be the candidate, so it doesn't matter anyway." (New York Times, April 28, 1973)

On May 23, 1973 the New York Times reported the following:

Mr. Greenspun said that he had learned . . . that Robert Bennett, . . . had testified in a "secret hearing" that he had presented a blank check from the Hughes interests to the Nixon campaign fund and that it had been cashed for a very large sum, . . .

He said that he was not certain when the burglary attempt occurred. He said he had noticed that the aluminum sills of his office window, which are concealed behind heavy curtains, had been jimmied and that the safe bore the marks of heavy tools having been used on it when he returned from a vacation trip last September. (New York Times, May 23, 1973, page 30)

In the White House Transcripts, Nixon seemed to suggest that "bugging" might have been involved in the Greenspun affair. We have no other evidence for this; however, we do know that Robert Bennett had an interest in bugging devices. In a deposition given in DNC v. McCord, April 19, 1973, Bennett testified as follows:

A.  He [Hunt] said a friend of his had developed a device, which, as he described it, was very, very sophisticated in the realm of electronic surveillance. He said it could be attached to a piece of furniture, that it was voice actuated so that the batteries or whatever power source it had would be preserved and that it was invulnerable to an electronic sweep and suggested that maybe some of our clients would be interested in knowing about the existence of this device. If they were, he said he could introduce them to the individual who had developed it. I checked and none of our clients had any interest in it. (Robert Bennett Deposition, April 19, 1973, DNC v. McCord, page 25)

Senator Howard Baker claims that Robert Bennett was actually involved in a plan to bug Clifford Irving:

Bennett asked for and received from Hunt a price estimate for bugging Clifford Irving for Hughes; . . . ("The Baker Report," pp. 8-9)

The testimony by Howard Hunt and Robert F. Bennett concerning this "estimate for bugging" was taken in Executive Session before the Senate Watergate Committee, and therefore is not available to the public.


In his report Senator Baker said:

. . . Bennett coordinated the employment of political spy Tom Gregory by Hunt and discussed the latter's refusal to proceed with bugging plans on or about June 16, 1972. ("The Baker Report," page 9)

Thomas Gregory was a student at the Mormon Church's Brigham Young University at the time he was hired by Howard Hunt to spy on Democratic candidates. Gregory's decision to engage in this type of activity may have been influenced by his experience at Brigham Young University. According to the University's newspaper, Daily Universe, Jan.11, 1973, Gregory "attended BYU from 1966-1968. He served in the South Brazil Mission until 1970 and has been registered at BYU since then."

Since Gregory was attending BYU "from 1966-1968," he would have been there at the time that a scandal concerning a spy ring rocked the campus. It was in February, 1967, when the existence of this spy ring was first revealed. The following appeared in The Daily Utah Chronicle, a newspaper published at the University of Utah:

Brigham Young University is in the calm of a hurricane's eye after being rocked with student charges of an administration-instigated spy ring. . . .

Two political science students, Ronald Hankin and Colleen Stone, described the "spy ring" to BYU student body Tuesday during a "free forum" speech. Hankin claims to have been asked by Steven Russell, senior political scientist, to "check up on a reaction to Pres. Ernest Wilkinson's April 21 speech" . . .

In a Chronicle interview, Hankin said 15 students were offered the "spy task" authorized by Vice President Joseph T. Bentley. "We were to check up on eight teachers: . . ." (The Daily Utah Chronicle, March 6, 1967)

At first Ernest L. Wilkinson, who was President of BYU, evidently tried to deny the charges: "According to an Associated Press story, Wilkinson said the students were 'misinformed' and that he had no knowledge of the alleged spy ring." (Ibid.) Even though BYU officials denied the existence of the spy ring, an investigation showed that such a ring did exist. Finally Ernest L. Wilkinson was forced to admit that there was such a group:

PROVO (AP)—Brigham Young University President Ernest L. Wilkinson acknowledged Tuesday that a student investigation team had existed on campus to check on so-called liberal professors. . . .

In his letter Dr. Wilkinson said:

Although there is misinformation in the charges, there was such a group, reports were made and students were under impression they were acting with the sanction of the administration.

He did not say who the students were reporting to, but added:

As president I must accept responsibility and I regret the misunderstanding and uneasiness which had been engendered.

Brigham Young University is owned and operated by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, commonly known as the Mormon Church. (Salt Lake Tribune, March 15, 1967)

On March 6, 1967, the Daily Utah Chronicle reported the following:

In the same Chronicle interview, Miss Stone said she and Hankin could not be "ousted" from school for the speech because the activity was authorized by the administration since it was sponsored by the student government committee. However, she said, "I have been tailed since 1 p.m. Wednesday and they're trying to find us doing something wrong so they can oust us."

On March 28, 1967, "two of the BYU spies," Mr. Hankin and Mr. Sisin, were guests in the Caucus Room at the University of Utah. They stated that they "had been subjected to a good deal of harassment. BYU people seemed to resent them as 'squealers.' " They also stated that one of the administrators at the BYU "told them he wished they would leave, that he wished he had had their telephones bugged." Two weeks later Ronald Hankin was "dismissed from school." The Mormon paper, Deseret News, claimed that there was no connection between his dismissal and his part in exposing the spy ring:

PROVO—Student Ronald Hankin, 24, was dismissed from school for multiple violations of BYU standards all separate from his part in disclosing a student "spy" ring, a statement, printed in the university's weekly Faculty Bulletin, said Thursday.

It emphasized there was no connection with the fact that Mr. Hankin was the student who charged that classmates were being used to spy on so-called "liberal" professors.

Mr. Hankin also wrote Thursday in a letter to the BYU Daily Universe that his dismissal was unrelated to his allegations regarding the spy ring. . . .

Dr. Ernest Wilkinson, BYU president, acknowledged the existence of the spy ring and said the administration would not permit such conditions in the future. (Deseret News, April 13, 1967, page 14B)

As we indicated earlier, Thomas Gregory was attending BYU at the time the spy scandal came to light. He then "served in the South Brazil Mission until 1970 and has been registered at BYU since then." (Daily Universe, Jan.11, 1973)

In the Senate Watergate Report, we find the following information about the recruitment of Gregory for spying activities:

D. Ruby II. In February 1972, Howard Hunt hired Thomas Gregory, a student at Brigham Young University, to infiltrate the Muskie campaign. Hunt met Gregory through Robert Fletcher, the nephew of Robert Bennett, Hunt's employer at the Mullen Company.

Using the alias Ed Warren, Hunt called Gregory in Utah and asked him to come to Washington for an expense-paid job interview. About a week later Hunt and Gregory met at the Park Central Hotel in Washington, where Hunt explained that he wanted information from the Muskie campaign, including schedules, internal memoranda, and general observations of the campaign. Gregory was to work as a volunteer for Muskie, report to Hunt once a week, and receive $175 a week for his services. Gregory accepted the offer. (The Senate Watergate Report, vol.1, page 297)

The BYU's newspaper, Daily Universe, published an article entitled "Student is witness" on Jan. 9, 1973. In this article we read:

A BYU student has been called as one of the key government witnesses in the Watergate trial which began Monday. . .

Gregory, a history major, became involved with the Muskie campaign through an "Independent Learning Experience" sponsored by the BYU Honors program. After the Muskie campaign folded, Gregory went to work for McGovern. J. Keith Melville, Professor of Political Science, who supervised Gregory, said that he worked on foreign policy for Muskie and was a student coordinator for McGovern.

Melville said that in his talks "there was nothing that Gregory ever related to me that would have connected him with the Watergate case."

He noted that Gregory was "very diligent in his particular political area and very perceptive about his work." Early in his progress reports, Gregory related to Melville that Muskie was on a downward trend—before this was recognized by the press.

On Jan.12, 1973, BYU's Daily Universe reported the following:

BYU student Thomas Gregory testified late Thursday that he was paid to spy on the campaigns of Democratic presidential contenders . . .

Gregory, a 25-year old history major at BYU, testified that Hunt paid his fare to Washington and induced him to work in Muskie's office and then for Sen. George McGovern.

Gregory testified his assignment in both offices was to get as much information as possible on the candidates' schedules, the names of their contributors and such physical details of their headquarters as locations of heating ducts, pictures on the walls and light fixtures. . . .

Gregory said he and Hunt met once a week in a drug store and exchanged envelopes, Gregory giving typewritten notes and Hunt returning his pay, $175. . . .

Earlier Thursday, . . . BYU President Dallin Oaks issued a statement . . . Pres. Oaks said, "I am satisfied that no Brigham Young University teacher or official had any knowledge of the alleged spying. If the spying took place, we deplore it."

The president issued the statement after conferring with Dr. Keith Melville, the political science professor who was supervising Gregory's "Independent Learning Experience" project as intern with the Edmund Muskie and George McGovern campaigns.

Melville said he was first contacted last February by Gregory.

"He proposed the program and gave me a list of books he was to read," said Melville. "It seemed to be a noteworthy program."

On Jan. 17, 1973, the Daily Universe printed this information:

BYU student Thomas Gregory testified yesterday in Washington, D.C. that he was paid $3400 for spying and quit after a "close call" in an effort to bug Sen. George McGovern's headquarters.

Gregory testified in the Watergate bugging trial that he met with E. Howard Hunt, G. Gordon Liddy, James W. McCord Jr., and four other defendants in a Washington hotel room early last May.

He said McCord expressed interest in planting electronic listening devices in the offices of McGovern campaign officials, according to Associated Press reports. On a visit to McGovern headquarters, Gregory said, McCord went through the building observing the burglar-alarm system and the location of exits. He said he later was introduced to Liddy , who went along on a night-time reconnaissance of the area around McGovern headquarters.

Gregory said he was asked to provide keys to the McGovern headquarters but refused. He did agree to remain in the building late on May 28 and leave some locks open when he departed. However, another man working in the headquarters discovered him and wanted to know why he was there.

 He then left and called to warn Hunt and the bugging operation scheduled for that night was called off. . . .

During a final meeting with Hunt on June 15, Gregory said he wanted out of the operation. (Daily Universe, Jan. 17, 1973)

In The Senate Watergate Report, we find the following:

At about this same time, Hunt asked Gregory to transfer to the McGovern campaign as a volunteer, which he did. . . . he was now to prepare and assist Hunt and Liddy in their plans to place electronic surveillance on McGovern headquarters.

Gregory gave Hunt a floor plan and office description of the McGovern headquarters at Hunt's request. Hunt then introduced Gregory to James McCord, in late April or early May 1972. In a meeting . . . Hunt and McCord told Gregory they were planning to place a "bug" in the McGovern Headquarters and would need assistance.

In late May 1972, Gregory took McCord through the McGovern headquarters to familiarize McCord with the physical layout. On a second occasion (May 27, 1972) Gregory again took McCord through the McGovern headquarters; on that visit McCord unsuccessfully attempted to plant a bug in Frank Mankewicz's office.

Sometime in late May-early June 1972 Gregory met Gordon Liddy for the first time, during an automobile ride in which Hunt drove Liddy and Gregory around the McGovern headquarters while Liddy told Gregory that he, too, was interested in getting into the McGovern offices.

Hunt, Liddy, McCord, and Gregory met at a Washington hotel to discuss breaking into McGovern headquarters to copy documents and to go over a physical layout of offices and the location of alarm systems. (The Senate Watergate Report, vol. 1, page 298)

In a chart published in the Senate Watergate Hearings, vol. 11, page 4,637, Thomas Gregory is listed as being part of the "Gemstone" operation; Mr. Lackritz says that "Thomas Gregory was known as Rudy 2. . . ." (Ibid., page 4,638)

Although Gregory was deeply involved with the Watergate burglars, he was fortunate enough to get out of the conspiracy before he was caught. In The Senate Watergate Report, vol. 1, page 298, we find that "By early June, Gregory had serious questions about the propriety of his activities," and that he discussed the matter with "Robert Bennett." The report goes on to state: "On or about June 15 or 16, 1972, Gregory met with Hunt to tell him that he no longer wished to continue with his work. After terminating his employment with Hunt, Gregory also contacted the McGovern headquarters to discontinue his volunteer work. Gregory received approximately $3,400 for his services."

Thomas Gregory confessed his role in the spying activities and appeared as a witness at the Watergate Trial in January 1973. It is interesting to note that at least 3 other Mormons appeared as witnesses at the trial—i.e., Senator Wallace Bennett, his son Douglas, and Robert Bennett Fletcher (Daily Universe, Jan.11-12, 1973).* The Senate Watergate Report, vol. 1, page 297, says that "when Hunt was not available, Gregory gave this material to Robert Fletcher to pass on to Hunt." Although Fletcher was aware of the fact that Gregory was spying on the Democrats and had recommended him for this work, we have not found any evidence that he was aware of the plans for bugging and burglary.

*Note Added—The BYU Daily Universe for Jan. 11, 1973 said Wallace and Douglas Bennett were "Listed among the witnesses," but Official Court Reporter Nicholas Sokal has been unable to locate any testimony given by these two men. At any rate, at least three Mormons gave testimony—i.e., Robert Bennett, Thomas Gregory and Robert B. Fletcher.


In our telephone conversation with James A. Everett, he admitted that a good share of the planning of the Watergate caper took place in Howard Hunt's office at the Mullen Co. In his letter to us, Mr. Everett stated:

13. Howard Hunt's office was the only room in the RRM & Co. suite, which could be entered from the outside hall without going through the central reception room. When Hunt would have visits from McCord, Liddy, Barker, he would have them use his outside entrance and then close the inner reception room door. In this manner they could conduct their extraneous activities and plannings without having it known to the other members of the R.R.M. & Co. staff. Liddy had his own offices across the street and I would imagine all the confidential charts used in the infamous briefing to Mitchell were done where he would have greater security in the preparation.

Notice that Mr. Everett stated that "Liddy had his own offices across the street" from the Mullen Co. This is a very revealing statement concerning the location of the Mullen Co. Actually, the address for the Mullen Co. was 1700 Pennsylvania Ave., and the Committee to Re-elect the President was located at 1701 Pennsylvania Ave., which is of course right across the street. Both the Mullen Co. and the Committee to Re-elect the President were within a block of the White House—the White House is located at 1600 Pennsylvania Ave.

As we have already shown, James McCord told of attending meetings where the Watergate conspirators discussed their plans "in Mr. Hunts office, in the Robert R. Mullen offices. . . ." (Hearings, vol. 1, page 142) Bernard Baker also told of meeting with the conspirators at the "Mullins [sic] headquarters."

After it was discovered that Howard Hunt was involved in the Watergate break-in, Robert Bennett found his company under investigation. James A. Everett states: "After the initial telephone call from the Washington Post there was a veritable deluge of calls all seeking leads." (Letter dated Oct. 15, 1974) The New York Times for June 21, 1972, reported the following:

Robert F. Bennett, president of the Robert R. Mullen Company, . . . said in an interview this afternoon that Mr. Hunt could not be found.

Mr. Bennett said that F.B.I. agents came to the offices of his company, at 1700 Pennsylvania Avenue, yesterday morning looking for Mr. Hunt.

Mr. Bennett said that he found a message from Mr. Hunt this morning saying he had gone to New York for the day in connection with a television project in which the company is engaged. But, Mr. Bennett said, he could not reach him there. . . .

Howard Hunt hid from the FBI for about two weeks. Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward state:

Meanwhile, Howard Hunt had not been seen since the day he had spoken briefly on the telephone to Woodward. The FBI assigned 150 agents to the search. On July 7, . . . Hunt came in from the cold. (All The President's Men, page 34)

On page 9 of his report, Senator Baker claimed that "Bennett served as the point of contact between Hunt and Liddy during the two weeks following the Watergate break-in."

Since Hunt worked for Robert Bennett, it did not take the FBI long to suspect that all was not well at the Mullen Co. James A. Everett, who had just arrived from Europe, felt that the FBI bugged the phones of the Mullen Co. after the Watergate break-in. This, of course, cannot be proven, but there can be no doubt that the Mullen Co. was under investigation. On July 7, 1972, the New York Times reported: "The Mullen Company's records have been subpoenaed in connection with the current Federal grand jury investigation into the Watergate matter."

The Mullen Company's records proved very fruitful to investigators. For instance, the records showed that more than a dozen phone calls had been placed to Donald Segretti, who had "directed a campaign of political espionage and sabotage against the Democrats." This, of course, linked Segretti's activities to Howard Hunt.


After the Watergate break-in was discovered, Robert Bennett found himself faced with the possibility that his activities would bring embarrassment to both the Mormon Church and the CIA. Therefore, he did his best to cover-up the BYU spy and the relationship of his company with the CIA.

Bennett's attempt to suppress the involvement of the BYU spy did not last long. Jack Anderson, who is himself a Mormon stated:

Bennett was called in for questioning six times by the original Watergate prosecutors. He held back Gregory's vital information out of loyalty to the youth, Bennett claims.

But the prosecutors traced Bennett's long-distance telephone calls to Gregory. When Bennett learned this, he called the prosecutors and said: "Look, you've found Tommy. I'll tell you about Tommy." (Deseret News, June 25, 1974)

Bennett's attempt to suppress the involvement with the CIA was successful for a while, but the truth eventually came out anyway. In Senator Baker's Report we find the following:

The true nature of Bennett's relationship to the CIA was not known to us until late November of 1973 when, at Senator Baker's request, the CIA produced another volume of CIA documents (Volume IV). The following information was adduced from this volume.

On July 10, 1972, Bennett reported detailed knowledge of the Watergate incident to his CIA case officer. The case officer's report of this meeting was handwritten and carried to Director Helms on or before July 14, 1972, in this form because of the sensitivity of the information. It revealed that Bennett had established a "back door entry" to E. B. Williams, the attorney for the DNC, in order to "kill off " revelations of the Agency's relationship with the Mullen and Company in the course of the DNC lawsuit. He agreed to check with the CIA prior to contacting Williams. Our staff has confirmed that Bennett did funnel information to Williams via attorney Hobart Taylor and that this information was more extensive than the information Bennett had previously provided the Grand Jury. The CIA has acknowledged paying one-half of Bennett's attorney fee for his Grand Jury appearance.

Although Bennett was supplying information to the CIA about many aspects of the Watergate incident and was at that time serving as liaison between Hunt and Liddy, there is no indication that these facts were disclosed to the FBI. . . .

A memorandum drafted by the Chief of the Central Cover Staff, CIA, on March 1, 1973, notes that Bennett felt he could handle the Ervin Committee if the Agency could handle Hunt. Bennett even stated that he had a friend who had intervened with Ervin on the matter. ("The Baker Report," pp. 9, 10 and 12)

Robert Bennett publicly stated that he knew nothing about the Watergate break-in. He claimed, in fact, that Hunt had lied to him (see New York Times, April 28, 1973). Now that more information has come out, it has become apparent that Bennett knew about Hunt's illegal activities prior to the Watergate break-in. Jack Anderson has published the fact that Bennett knew of the "White House burglary-bugging team" before the Watergate break-in:

WASHINGTON—CIA front man Robert Bennett, son of veteran Sen. Wallace Bennett, R-Utah, has conceded that he knew a White House burglary-bugging team was on the prowl in advance of the celebrated Watergate break-in.

A secret memorandum written by his CIA case officer, states that the senator's son withheld vital information from the authorities.

In an interview with my associate Les Whitten, Bennett acknowledged he knew at least three days before the Watergate burglary that White House aide E. Howard Hunt and his second-story crew had plotted to break into the campaign headquarters of Sen. George McGovern, D-S.D., and bug the place.

Instead of reporting the conspiracy to the police, Bennett kept his mouth shut. He also confided to his CIA contact that he had held back information from the original Watergate prosecutors when they later questioned him about the Watergate break-in.

This episode is another link in the mysterious CIA involvement in Watergate. . . . the full story still hasn't been told.

The CIA used Bennett's public relations firm, Mullen and Company, as a spy front. On its payroll was none other than Howard Hunt, the Watergate conspirator, . . .

Bennett's nephew referred a Brigham Young University student, named Thomas Gregory, to Hunt who recruited the young man as a political spy. . . . As Bennett related it Gregory had been told by Hunt to work late one night at McGovern headquarters and leave a door open so the White House burglars could sneak in. (Deseret News, June 25, 1974)

From documents which we have examined, it appears that Robert Bennett was able to offer Mullen clients not only public relations but burglary services as well. Bennett's own testimony plainly shows that he was trying to interest his clients in equipment for electronic surveillance. The fact that Bennett was offering bugging service is very plain from Senator Baker's statement that "Bennett asked for and received from Hunt a price estimate for bugging Clifford Irving for Hughes; . . ." ("The Baker Report," pp. 8-9) Senator Baker links Robert Bennett's name to a number of illegal or questionable activities:

. . . Bennett suggested and coordinated the Demott interview regarding Chappaquidick; Bennett coordinated the release of Dita Beard's statement from Denver, after contacting Beard's attorneys at the suggestion of a Hughes executive; Bennett suggested that Greenspun's safe contained information of interest to both Hughes and the CRP . . . Bennett coordinated the employment of political spy Tom Gregory by Hunt and discussed with Gregory the latter's refusal to proceed with bugging plans on or about June 16, 1972. Bennett served as the point of contact between Hunt and Liddy during the two weeks following the Watergate break-in. ("The Baker Report," pages 8-9)

At one time Robert Bennett assigned Howard Hunt to the Hughes account. Hunt not only asked for help from the CIA in his work for the White House but also for his work on the Hughes account. Senator Baker states: ". . . he actually contacted the CIA's External Employment Assistance Branch (EEAB) and approached active CIA personnel regarding several operations including e.g., Hunt's requests to the CIA for person(s) skilled in lockpicking, electronic sweeping, and entry operations." (Ibid., pages 26-27) In a footnote on page 27 of the same report, Senator Baker gives this interesting information:

a. Hunt was referred to [Former CIA employee] [Chief EEAB] of the CIA's EEAB, . . . when Hunt requested a "retired lockpicker" and entry man in the time period of March-May 1972. CIA Supplemental Materials, Volume 1, Tab 4, Memorandum of June 19, 1972.

b. Hunt, in late 1971, requested some " 'security types' to check physical security and monitor telephones in Las Vegas" in connection with Hunt's work on the Hughes account with Mullen and Company.

The evidence indicates that Robert Bennett was especially interested in providing a burglary and bugging service for Hughes. He may have wanted his other clients to also receive these services. As we have already shown, Bennett did admit discussing a bugging device with his "clients," but he claimed that "none of our clients had any interest in it." We do not know whether the Mormon Church was one of the "clients" Bennett was referring to.

In his relationship with the Mormon Church Robert Bennett seems to have dealt with the Mormon Apostle Mark E. Petersen. Petersen is now second in line to be President of the Mormon Church. James A. Everett made this statement in his letter to us: "9. It is my understanding that Mark E. Petersen was head of the Public Relations effort at the level which was served by Robert R. Mullen & Co." (Letter dated Oct. 15, 1974) Mr. Everett also stated that Bennett and Petersen are "good friends."

The reader may remember that Mark E. Petersen is the same man who threatened to sue us because we published his anti-Negro speech. Since the speech was in the public domain, and since we accurately reproduced it, Mr. Petersen had no grounds for any legal action and the matter was dropped (see Mormonism—Shadow or Reality? pp. 12-13).

One of Mark E. Petersen's most important responsibilities is to investigate and order the excommunication of those Mormons who deviate from the teachings and doctrines of the Mormon Church. At the present time the Apostle Petersen seems to be after Michael Marquardt. Mr. Marquardt is the Mormon scholar who brought to light Joseph Smith's 1831 revelation on polygamy. This revelation had been suppressed for over 140 years because it commanded the Mormons to marry Indians to make them a "white" and "delightsome" people. About a month after we published this revelation in the Messenger and in the book Mormonism Like Watergate? Mark E. Petersen had Mr. Marquardt's Stake Presidency call him in for questioning. It was June 9, 1974, when Mr. Marquardt appeared before the Stake Presidency. The same day Mr. Marquardt wrote a report of the meeting from which we extract the following:

President Reed Brown said that he had received a letter from Mark E. Petersen of the Council of the Twelve asking about my name being mentioned in publication by the Tanners who were apostates. He asked a few questions which I answered and then his counselor Calvin Broadhead asked a few questions which I also answered.

I then told them that in 1971 I had been called in by my previous Stake President because of a letter from Mark E. Petersen . . .

I then asked if I could read the letter. The letter was dated June 3, 1974 and written to President Reed Brown and signed by Mark E. Petersen. Mention was made that reports of Brother Michael Marquardt were being received by Mark E. Petersen . . . Reports that they have in the office goes back to rumors in 1971 . . . Mention was made that my name had appeared in a publication by the Tanners who were apostate, reference was made to the Salt Lake City Messenger published by Modern Microfilm Company. . . The Historian's Office was upset about my research as it related to the Church. Mark E. Petersen wanted to make sure that I was not teaching false doctrine in the Elders' Quorum."

Since Mr. Marquardt is more interested in getting out the truth than in his membership in the Church, Mark E. Petersen has not been able to silence him. Unfortunately, however, many members of the Church are afraid of Petersen's investigations and are intimidated when he has them called in for examination.


Since the Mullen Company was used as a cover for the CIA, a question concerning the involvement of the Mormon Church with the CIA naturally arises. An examination of the evidence has led us to the belief that at least some of the clients of the Mullen Co. were used as cover for CIA agents. In his report Senator Baker states: "CIA records indicate that Agency consideration was given to utilizing Mullen's Hughes relationship for a matter relating to a cover arrangement in [South America] and to garner information on Robert Maheu." ("The Baker Report," page 8) There is good reason to believe that at least two other clients of the Mullen Co. had some involvement with the CIA.

The Mormon Church's world-wide activities and mission program could provide a perfect cover for CIA agents, but at the present time we have no evidence that this is actually the case. We do know, however, that the Church provides many men for the CIA. Writing in the New York Times for September 16, 1974, Wallace Turner states: "Many Mormon scholars work on contracts for the C.I.A." We recently asked a man who had taught at Brigham Young University if he had any reason to believe that the Mormon missionary program is used as a cover for CIA agents. He replied that he did not, but he went on to state that many missionaries are later recruited to CIA work. He felt that the missionary program provided good training for CIA agents. The missionaries are taught absolute obedience to authority and many of them learn foreign languages as well. He also stated that the Church's educational system contains a large number of men who have been involved in the CIA or FBI.

There can be little doubt that the Church's Brigham Young University provides many men for the CIA. One man told us that he was recruited while working in the language department at BYU. Another man has written a letter in which he stated:

. . . I did have a professor at BYU who had been first a member of U.S. Army Intelligence (Korean War), and later an employee of the CIA . . . and he never made any secret of it . . . I also had a roommate at BYU who is now and has been for some time a covert agent (a "007") for the CIA, . . .

The Brigham Young University's Daily Universe reported the following on Nov. 7, 1974:

An expense paid trip to the nation's capital and a monthly salary of $780 from the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), provided BYU law student Dale Storer with an "interesting experience" last summer. . . . Storer spent the summer in Washington D.C., doing research for the CIA.

Storer, a graduate in economics, who served a two-year mission for the church in Indonesia, did research in the areas of economy and industrialization. . . .

He said there are many opportunities to work with the CIA and urged students wishing to gain more information to contact Dr. Lawrence G. Woodward, coordinator for cooperative programs.

We are rather alarmed that so many Mormons are involved with the CIA. The Watergate investigation has clearly demonstrated that there is a tendency for some of those trained in covert operations to return and use them on their own people. Any group with a large proportion of their members trained in spying activities could become a serious threat to freedom. The Mormon Church could prove to be exceptionally dangerous, however, because it has a secret "Council of Fifty" in its history (see Mormonism—Shadow or Reality? pp. 414-421).


In 1972 a man we had known for a number of years complained that the Apostle Mark E. Petersen was investigating him in order to find evidence that he was out of harmony with the teachings of the Church. After about eight months he was excommunicated from the Church. Later we heard that this man was claiming his telephone was bugged and his private journal stolen at the time he was under investigation. On March 5, 1974, we checked with him and found that he was making these charges. He claimed, in fact, that both his home phone and his phone at the Dugway Proving Ground had been bugged. These charges alarmed us for two reasons: First, the bugging of a U.S. Government phone on which national security matters might be discussed would be a very serious matter. Second, we knew that this man had called us in 1972, and if his phone was wiretapped then any conversations we had with him might have been intercepted also.

After we learned that Mormons like Robert Bennett and Thomas Gregory had been involved in the planning of bugging operations, we became very interested in this man's charges. In June 1974 Attorney General William B. Saxbe called on the American people to report any information the might have about illegal wiretapping. On July 1, 1974, we sent all the material that could be gathered about this alleged wiretapping to the Justice Department. A man who was well informed on legal matters told us that he felt the charges should be investigated but that he doubted the FBI would touch the matter if it involved the Mormon Church. At any rate, the Justice Department acknowledged receiving the material on July 3, 1974. Over two months past and to our knowledge no investigation was begun. On Sept. 15, 1974, we wrote to the Attorney General and asked if he was serious about the matter. Finally, after about three months from the time we first contacted the Justice Department an agent from the FBI visited our house. He said that the Government had no record of any legal wiretapping of the man, and therefore if there was any wiretapping it had to be illegal. He assured us that a thorough investigation would be made, and that the investigation would begin the next day. After a week had passed however, we learned that the victim of the alleged wiretapping had still not been interviewed. We called the FBI to find out what they were doing, and within a few hours the man was interviewed. Another month passed and we assumed that the FBI had contacted the important witnesses. To our dismay, however, we learned that by November 5, 1974, some of the most important persons had still not been interviewed. Now it could be that the FBI is doing something we do not know about, but we cannot help but have the depressing feeling that the claim of a thorough investigation and the few interviews actually made were only for the purpose of pacifying us. In a book which we are now working on we may have more to report on this matter.

However this may be, the victim of the alleged wiretapping claimed that his wife told him that a counselor to his Stake President had listened to 4 1/2 hours of taped conversation which was supposed to have been derived from the bugging. His wife, however, denies that she said this—the counselor also vigorously denies the allegation. Nevertheless, she does support her husband's story that their phone was monitored and claims to have some important evidence on the subject. This is especially interesting since she is still a loyal member of the Church and does not go along with her husband's religious views. This woman feels that her husband's excommunication was engineered from above, and that local leaders were pressured into taking action against him. She supports her husband's claim that the Apostle Petersen had been gathering information against him. At any rate, unless the FBI makes a good thorough investigation of this matter, we may never know who is telling the truth.

Although we can make no definite conclusions about this alleged case of wiretapping, the research concerning it has brought to light some important information. After we informed a man who has good connections in the Church of the case, he watched carefully for any material relating to it. Sometime around the middle of November he made a very important discovery in The Priesthood Bulletin. This publication is printed by the Mormon Church for priesthood leaders and is not for the general membership of the Church. The important item is found in Vol. 10, No. 3, Third Quarter, 1974, p. 2, and reads as follows (see photograph on page 1):

The United States Department of Justice has notified the Church that federal law can be violated by the illegal use of an oral communication in connection with a Church court. The law is violated when anyone willfully and knowingly uses a recorded communication when he knows or has reason to believe that the recording was obtained by interception without the consent of the parties involved in the conversation.

All priesthood authorities are advised to refrain from using any tape-recorded communication unless the party whose conversation was recorded clearly has given express consent in writing to its use.

After reading The Priesthood Bulletin, we felt that it must certainly relate to the alleged wiretapping case. We called the FBI and asked if it did relate to this case. The FBI claimed the statement in The Priesthood Bulletin did not relate to this particular case. It was concerning another matter which the FBI had investigated. From what we could gather it involved the illegal use of a concealed tape recorder to gain evidence against a Church member to be used in a Church court. The FBI had investigated the matter, and the Department of Justice had sent the Church a letter warning them against the illegal interception of oral communications. This whole matter seems to have been handled in secret and probably would not have come to our attention if it had not been for the unusual circumstances we have related.

The Mormon Church is probably very lucky to receive only a private letter of warning from the Justice Department. A car dealer in Ogden, Utah, was recently indicted for "intercepting oral communications." (Salt Lake Tribune, Nov. 21, 1974) While the offense is serious, the car dealer could only take monetary advantage of people. The Church, on the other hand, could easily ruin a person's reputation through the misuse of the excommunication process. A person who has been excommunicated could lose his job, family or friends.

The U.S. Government has dismissed many cases where the prosecution has used illegal means to obtain evidence. Mormon Church courts are not subject to the same rules as legal courts, but anyone who can prove he was illegally bugged to obtain information for a Church court could undoubtedly win a lawsuit against the Church. Therefore, although the Mormon Church may have escaped action by the Justice Department, it may still face serious legal problems.


The material we have presented in this issue of the Messenger is only a preliminary and brief report. We are now in the process of writing a book about these matters. Some of our readers may have vital information which could help us. We are looking for information on the following subjects: wiretapping or bugging in the Mormon Church, the theft of personal papers or journals before excommunication, Apostle Petersen's methods of gaining information against those suspected of apostacy, the Church's Law Observance and Enforcement Committee, any evidence of the existence of the secret Council of 50 after 1900, the BYU spy ring, Robert Bennett and the Mullen Co., the CIA and Mormonism, and Howard Hughes's relationship with the Mormons.

If the reader has any accurate information or leads on any of the subjects above we would appreciate knowing about it.


Psychiatrists tell us that the inability to face reality leads to many serious emotional problems. Those who are honest with themselves must admit that at sometime during their life they have had difficulty facing reality. Some of Richard Nixon's greatest problems seem to stem from his inability to face reality. Even churches can have this problem. The Mormon Church, for instance has some serious problems which the leaders have failed to come to grips with. We have detailed a large number of these problems in our book Mormonism—Shadow or Reality? Now, instead of facing these problems the Mormon leaders have turned their backs and pretended that they do not exist. As early as October 1966, we made this comment in the Messenger:

Many people have commented that it is very strange that the Mormon leaders have not made a rebuttal to this book. We feel the reason that they have not openly denounced it is because they know it would draw attention to the very things they want to hide from their people and that this would work to our advantage.

In 1972 we enlarged Mormonism—Shadow or Reality? and brought it completely up to date. We are now happy to announce that over 10,000 copies have been sold. During the last month alone we sold about 300 copies. Even though sales are mounting and many people are leaving the Church, Mormon scholars continue to keep silent concerning this book. Neither Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought nor Brigham Young University Studies have carried a review. This is really incredible since these publications have reviewed many books that have been critical of the Church. For instance, the BYU Studies published a 4 1/2 page review of the book Latter-day Saints and the Sabbath.

It seems to be almost unwritten rule among Mormon scholars that they must never mention Mormonism—Shadow or Reality? in print. They apparently feel that they must not allow their people to know of its existence. Fortunately there are a few exceptions. Samuel W. Taylor mentions it in his book Nightfall at Nauvoo, and in Mormonia—A Quarterly Bibliography of Works on Mormonism, Fall 1972, page 89. Mormonism—Shadow or Reality? is referred to as "Perhaps the most exhaustive expose of Mormonism between two covers." It seems almost beyond belief that Mormon writers will write long reviews of many books and even small pamphlets critical of the Church and yet fail to mention the book which Mormonia calls "Perhaps the most exhaustive expose of Mormonism between two covers." We feel that there can be only one explanation for this silence by Mormon writers, and that is that they know that the charges we make are basically correct and cannot be refuted. We do not claim, of course, that Mormonism—Shadow or Reality? is a perfect book. Any book of this size would have a few errors in it and unless Mormon writers can discover substantial defects in this book they would do well to keep silent. One Mormon writer attempted to write a rebuttal to Mormonism—Shadow or Reality? He found, however, that he could not deal with the issues raised in the book. He admitted that the truth concerning the Church was even worse than what we had presented. Finally, this man was excommunicated from the Church.

Since we are more interested in getting the truth out than in making a lot of money, we sell Mormonism—Shadow or Reality? at a very reasonable price—many publishers would charge twice as much for a book this size.


Although the Watergate scandal has really hurt our country, there is a real lesson that we all can learn from it—that is, that it does not pay to try and cover up our sins. The Bible warns: ". . . be sure your sin will find you out." (Numbers 32:23) It is true that we can often hide our sins from men, but Jesus tells us that we cannot hide them from God: ". . . there is nothing covered, that shall not be revealed; and hid, that shall not be known." (Matthew 10:26)

Our former President must have firmly believed that his tapes would never come to light, but through some very strange circumstances they did become public and caused his downfall. This is certainly a tragic example, and we cannot help but feel sorry for him and for his family. Nevertheless, it teaches us that even the President of the United States does not have the power to cover up his sins.

It is certainly ironical that Richard Nixon should be trapped by his own tapes. The Bible, however, tells us that we all stand in jeopardy of being convicted by our own words at the judgment:

But I say unto you, That every idle word that men shall speak, they shall give account thereof in the day of judgment.

For by thy words thou shalt be justified and by thy words thou shalt be condemned. (Matthew 12:36-37)

Although we do not feel that God has a secret tape recorder which he uses to bug us with, we do believe He has knowledge of everything through his Holy Spirit. The Bible says that God not only knows our every word and action but also the "thoughts and intents" of our heart:

For the word of God is quick, and powerful and sharper than any two-edged sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit, and of the joints and marrow, and is a discerner of the thoughts and intents of the heart.

Neither is there any creature that is not manifest in his sight: but all things are naked and opened unto the eyes of him with whom we have to do. (Hebrews 4:12 -13)

In I Corinthians 4:5 we read that the Lord "will bring to light the hidden things of darkness, and will make manifest the counsels of the hearts: . . ." Romans 2:16 tells us that "God shall judge the secrets of men by Jesus Christ according to my gospel."

In the parable of the rich man and Lazarus it is clear that after death our memory will be restored and that if we have continued in sin and selfishness it will condemn us (see Luke 16:25). The Bible tells us that we are all sinners and in need of God's forgiveness. To refuse to face this fact is to live a life which is founded on cover-up, and this will eventually prove disastrous to our souls. In the story of the Pharisee and the publican Jesus shows that we can appear to be very religious, but if we have not acknowledged that we are sinners in need of God's grace we are still under condemnation.

Now, while the Bible teaches that it is impossible for us to cover up our own sins, it does state that God Himself can cover them up if we will turn to him and ask for forgiveness:

But if we walk in the light, as he is in the light, we have fellowship one with another, and the blood of Jesus Christ his Son cleanseth us from all sin.

If we say that we have no sin, we deceive ourselves, and the truth is not in us.

If we confess our sins, he is faithful and just to forgive us our sins, and to cleanse us from all unrighteousness. (I John 1:7-9)

In Psalms 32:1 we read: "Blessed is he whose transgression is forgiven, whose sin is covered." This is a cover-up that really works. In Psalms 103:12 we find this statement: "As far as the east is from the west, so far hath he removed our transgressions from us." Isaiah 43:25 gives this assurance: "I, even I, am he that blotteth out thy transgressions for mine own sake, and will not remember thy sins." Those who have received the Lord into their hearts know the great joy and peace that comes from accepting God's forgiveness. The Bible says:

Therefore if any man be in Christ, he is a new creature: Old things are passed away; Behold, all things are become new. (2 Corinthians 5:17)